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All political parties die at last of swallowing their own lies… John Arbuthnot

The artist satirizes the antislavery orientation of the Republican platform. Abolitionist editor Horace Greeley (left) grinds his New York "Tribune" organ as candidate Abraham Lincoln (center, riding on a wooden rail) prances to the music. Lincoln is tethered with a cord to Greeley's index finger, and his lips are padlocked shut. Although the abolitionist bias of the party was well-known, Lincoln and the Republicans tried to de-emphasize the slavery issue during the 1860 campaign. Greeley says, "Now caper about on your rail Abraham, while I play the Slieve gammon polka.' p0sll the way from Oregon' Mrs. Gurney's Love song' and other choice airs from my private collection." Lincoln replies, "Mum." In the background stands William H. Seward, holding a wailing black infant. He complains, "It's no use trying to keep me and the 'Irrepressible' infant in the background; for we are really the head and front of this party." (For the contextual significance of the term irrepressible see ""The Irrepressible Conflict,"" no. 1860-28.) At right stand two other New York editors friendly to the Republican cause, Henry J. Raymond of the "New York Times" (a short, bearded man holding an ax) and James Watson Webb of the New York "Courier and Enquirer." Raymond clings to Webb's arm, saying, "I'll stick fast to you General, for the present; because I have my own little axe to grind." (Raymond was Webb's chief associate on the "Courier" staff until 1851, when he left to found a rival paper.) Webb holds out a tambourine and complains about the financial difficulties experienced by his newspaper: "Please Gentlemen! help a Family in reduced circumstances, we are very hard up, and will even take three cents if we can't get more, just to keep the little Nigger alive." The artist is poking fun at the measures Webb took in August 1860 to revive his newspaper's flagging circulation, which included a reduction of the paper's price to three cents and the hiring of newsboys to sell the "Courier" on the streets.

The artist satirizes the antislavery orientation of the Republican platform. Abolitionist editor Horace Greeley (left) grinds his New York “Tribune” organ as candidate Abraham Lincoln (center, riding on a wooden rail) prances to the music. Lincoln is tethered with a cord to Greeley’s index finger, and his lips are padlocked shut. Although the abolitionist bias of the party was well-known, Lincoln and the Republicans tried to de-emphasize the slavery issue during the 1860 campaign. Greeley says, “Now caper about on your rail Abraham, while I play the Slieve gammon polka.’ p0sll the way from Oregon’ Mrs. Gurney’s Love song’ and other choice airs from my private collection.” Lincoln replies, “Mum.” In the background stands William H. Seward, holding a wailing black infant. He complains, “It’s no use trying to keep me and the ‘Irrepressible’ infant in the background; for we are really the head and front of this party.” (For the contextual significance of the term irrepressible see “”The Irrepressible Conflict,”” no. 1860-28.) At right stand two other New York editors friendly to the Republican cause, Henry J. Raymond of the “New York Times” (a short, bearded man holding an ax) and James Watson Webb of the New York “Courier and Enquirer.” Raymond clings to Webb’s arm, saying, “I’ll stick fast to you General, for the present; because I have my own little axe to grind.” (Raymond was Webb’s chief associate on the “Courier” staff until 1851, when he left to found a rival paper.) Webb holds out a tambourine and complains about the financial difficulties experienced by his newspaper: “Please Gentlemen! help a Family in reduced circumstances, we are very hard up, and will even take three cents if we can’t get more, just to keep the little Nigger alive.” The artist is poking fun at the measures Webb took in August 1860 to revive his newspaper’s flagging circulation, which included a reduction of the paper’s price to three cents and the hiring of newsboys to sell the “Courier” on the streets.

One of the many ironies of this book is that it was published before the Democrats nominated their first mixed-race candidate and offered the nation the logical conclusion of affirmative action. The truth of the matter is that whether it was the Republicans manipulating the Freedman’s Bureau during the military occupation of the South that followed the Civil War or Lyndon Johnson buying black votes wholesale with his Great Society giveaways American politicians have never really offered black voters much other than the proverbial plate of beans for their political freedom.

The unlikely teaming of military leader George B. McClellan with Peace Democrat (Copperhead) George Hunt Pendleton as presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 1864 election is ridiculed here. The artist charges McClellan with disloyalty to his former troops by virtue of a "peace at any price" campaign. In the center McClellan (left) is attached to the side of his running mate by "The Party Tie." McClellan says apologetically to the two Union soldiers at his left, "It was not I that did it fellow Soldiers!! but with this unfortunate attachment I was politically born at Chicago!" The Democratic national convention took place in Chicago on August 29, 1864. The soldier with his arm in a sling responds angrily, "Good bye little Mac' if thats your company! Uncle Abe gets my vote," The soldier at far left says, "I would vote for you General, if you were not tied to a "peace" Copperhead, who says that Treason and Rebellion ought to triumph!!" Pendleton addresses the two "Copperheads" at his right: Clement Laird Vallandigham, author of the Democrats' peace plank, and Horatio Seymour, governor of New York and chairman of the Democratic national convention. Pendleton says, "I dont care how many letters Mac writes, if it brings him votes; for every vote for him, count one for me!!" Vallandigham concurs, "Yes Pen, that's the only reason that I support the ticket; if you are elected both Jeff [Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy] and I will be triumphant!" Seymour (far right) replies, "With Pendleton as Vice: Val [Vallandigham] secretary of State; Wood [i.e., Fernando Wood, an organizer of the Peace Democrats] in the treasury, and I Govr. of New-York, we will have peace at any price the rebels choose to ask for it." The cartoon appeared late in the brief 1864 campaign.

The unlikely teaming of military leader George B. McClellan with Peace Democrat (Copperhead) George Hunt Pendleton as presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 1864 election is ridiculed here. The artist charges McClellan with disloyalty to his former troops by virtue of a “peace at any price” campaign. In the center McClellan (left) is attached to the side of his running mate by “The Party Tie.” McClellan says apologetically to the two Union soldiers at his left, “It was not I that did it fellow Soldiers!! but with this unfortunate attachment I was politically born at Chicago!” The Democratic national convention took place in Chicago on August 29, 1864. The soldier with his arm in a sling responds angrily, “Good bye little Mac’ if thats your company! Uncle Abe gets my vote,” The soldier at far left says, “I would vote for you General, if you were not tied to a “peace” Copperhead, who says that Treason and Rebellion ought to triumph!!” Pendleton addresses the two “Copperheads” at his right: Clement Laird Vallandigham, author of the Democrats’ peace plank, and Horatio Seymour, governor of New York and chairman of the Democratic national convention. Pendleton says, “I dont care how many letters Mac writes, if it brings him votes; for every vote for him, count one for me!!” Vallandigham concurs, “Yes Pen, that’s the only reason that I support the ticket; if you are elected both Jeff [Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy] and I will be triumphant!” Seymour (far right) replies, “With Pendleton as Vice: Val [Vallandigham] secretary of State; Wood [i.e., Fernando Wood, an organizer of the Peace Democrats] in the treasury, and I Govr. of New-York, we will have peace at any price the rebels choose to ask for it.” The cartoon appeared late in the brief 1864 campaign.

Although the Thirteenth Amendment – and NOT the Emancipation Proclamation – legally ended slavery [although not the use of slave labor in the penal code!] neither it nor the fourteenth nor the fifteenth amendment granted equality to the former slaves. The main reason for the failure of these amendments – and their exceedingly more outlandish interpretations – is of course that freedom is a condition that can be measured and equality is one that can not. All men may be proclaimed free just as all men may be given, or limited to, and income of $10,000 per annum but neither of those things will make them equal.

Although slightly different in format, this appears to be the fourth in the Bromley series of anti-Republican satires. As in no. 2 of the series, "Miscegenation or the Millenium of Abolitionism" (no. 1864-39), the artist plays on Northern fears of racial intermingling. Here, white men are dancing and flirting with black women in a large hall. Above the musicians' stage hangs a portrait of Abraham Lincoln. At right hangs a banner "Universal Freedom, One Constitution, One Destiny. Abraham Lincoln Prest." The text below further describes the scene: " The Miscegenation Ball at the Headquarters of the Lincoln Central Campaign Club, Corner of Broadway and Twenty Third Street New York Sept. 22d. 1864 being a perfect fac simile of the room &c. &c. (From the New York World Sept. 23d. 1864). No sooner were the formal proceedings and speeches hurried through with, than the room was cleared for a "negro ball," which then and there took place! Some members of the "Central Lincoln Club" left the room before the mystical and circling rites of languishing glance and mazy dance commenced. But that Many remained is also true. This fact We Certify, "that on the floor during the progress of the ball were many of the accredited leaders of the Black Republican party, thus testifying their faith by works in the hall and headquarters of their political gathering. There were Republican Office-Holders, and prominent men of various degrees, and at least one Presidential Elector On The Republican Ticket.

Although slightly different in format, this appears to be the fourth in the Bromley series of anti-Republican satires. As in no. 2 of the series, “Miscegenation or the Millenium of Abolitionism” (no. 1864-39), the artist plays on Northern fears of racial intermingling. Here, white men are dancing and flirting with black women in a large hall. Above the musicians’ stage hangs a portrait of Abraham Lincoln. At right hangs a banner “Universal Freedom, One Constitution, One Destiny. Abraham Lincoln Prest.” The text below further describes the scene: ” The Miscegenation Ball at the Headquarters of the Lincoln Central Campaign Club, Corner of Broadway and Twenty Third Street New York Sept. 22d. 1864 being a perfect fac simile of the room &c. &c. (From the New York World Sept. 23d. 1864). No sooner were the formal proceedings and speeches hurried through with, than the room was cleared for a “negro ball,” which then and there took place! Some members of the “Central Lincoln Club” left the room before the mystical and circling rites of languishing glance and mazy dance commenced. But that Many remained is also true. This fact We Certify, “that on the floor during the progress of the ball were many of the accredited leaders of the Black Republican party, thus testifying their faith by works in the hall and headquarters of their political gathering. There were Republican Office-Holders, and prominent men of various degrees, and at least one Presidential Elector On The Republican Ticket.

Unfortunately the national discourse has become more of a jockeying for position to see who has the greatest degree of equality and rather than a rising tide lifting all boats it has become each party convincing the greatest number that they will lift their boats. We can not say we were not warned since George Washington wrote in 1796, The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages & countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders & miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security & repose in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

Wrong on race : the Democratic Party’s buried past  Bruce Bartlett  New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008  Hardcover. 1st ed. and printing. xv, 268 p. ; 25 cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. [203]-260) and index. Clean, tight and strong binding with clean dust jacket. No highlighting, underlining or marginalia in text. VG/VG

In Wrong on Race, Bruce Bartlett sets the record straight on a hidden past that many Democrats would rather see swept under the carpet. Ranging from the founding of the Republic through to today, it rectifies the unfair perceptions of America’s two national parties.

An African American man, a former Union soldier, proudly displays a slip of paper labeled "A vote" while a disgruntled former Confederate soldier, with a frown on his face, his hands in his pockets, and a torn slip of paper at his feet labeled "No vote", stands before a broadsheet "Military Bill" with the notice: "Except such as may be disfranchised [sic] for participation in the Rebellion or for felony".

An African American man, a former Union soldier, proudly displays a slip of paper labeled “A vote” while a disgruntled former Confederate soldier, with a frown on his face, his hands in his pockets, and a torn slip of paper at his feet labeled “No vote”, stands before a broadsheet “Military Bill” with the notice: “Except such as may be disfranchised [sic] for participation in the Rebellion or for felony”.

While Nixon’s infamous “Southern Strategy” is constantly referenced in the media, less well-remembered are Woodrow Wilson’s segregation of the entire Federal civil service; FDR’s appointment of a member of the KKK to the Supreme Court; John F. Kennedy’s apathy towards civil rights legislation; and the ascension of Robert Byrd, who as President pro tempore of the Senate, was third in line in the presidential line of succession, and a former member of the KKK.

A former slave owner, General Wade Hampton, wearing oversized spurs, a hat with a ragged peacock feather stuck in the band, and a cat-o'-nine-tails sticking out of a pocket, speaking to a former slave identified as an "influential colored voter"; Hampton requests that the "colored voter" dine with him on Thursday, but the "colored voter" has to decline because he has "promised to sleep with Massa Pinckney" on "Phursday".

A former slave owner, General Wade Hampton, wearing oversized spurs, a hat with a ragged peacock feather stuck in the band, and a cat-o’-nine-tails sticking out of a pocket, speaking to a former slave identified as an “influential colored voter”; Hampton requests that the “colored voter” dine with him on Thursday, but the “colored voter” has to decline because he has “promised to sleep with Massa Pinckney” on “Phursday”.

For the last seventy years, black Americans have voted en masse for one party, with little in the end to show for it. Is it time for the pendulum to swing the other way? With the Republican Party furiously engaged in soul-searching, this exhaustively researched, incisively written expose; will be an important and compelling component of that debate as we head towards the next election.

President Ulysses S. Grant and Congress turned a blind eye to the disputed 1872 election of carpetbagger William P. Kellogg as governor of Louisiana. In this scene Kellogg holds up the heart which he has just extracted from the body of the female figure of Louisiana, who is held stretched across an altar by two freedmen. Enthroned behind the altar sits Grant, holding a sword. His attorney general, George H. Williams, the winged demon perched behind him, directs his hand. At left three other leering officials watch the operation, while at right women representing various states look on in obvious distress. South Carolina, kneeling closest to the altar, is in chains.

President Ulysses S. Grant and Congress turned a blind eye to the disputed 1872 election of carpetbagger William P. Kellogg as governor of Louisiana. In this scene Kellogg holds up the heart which he has just extracted from the body of the female figure of Louisiana, who is held stretched across an altar by two freedmen. Enthroned behind the altar sits Grant, holding a sword. His attorney general, George H. Williams, the winged demon perched behind him, directs his hand. At left three other leering officials watch the operation, while at right women representing various states look on in obvious distress. South Carolina, kneeling closest to the altar, is in chains.

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